Ethiopia Zone9: ግልጽ ደብዳቤ ”ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር” ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ

Ethiopia Zone9: ግልጽ ደብዳቤ ”ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር” ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ:   ከታሳሪ ዞን9 ጦማርያን እና ጋዜጠኞች   ክቡር ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ሕገ መንግስታችንን ያክብሩ! ሠላም ክቡር ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር!? እንዴት ነዎት? ያስታውሱ ከሆነ የዛሬ ሁለት ዓመት አካባቢ ከፊሉ የዚህ...

Ethiopian 2005 massacre

Remembering the Ethiopian government massacre in 2005. You all will be in our hearts .

Ethiopia: Obang Metho condemns ‘Life Grabs’ and the Second… · News · Minority Voices Newsroom

Ethiopia: Obang Metho condemns ‘Life Grabs’ and the Second… · News · Minority Voices Newsroom

Speaking at MRG’s London office as part of a nationwide tour, Executive Director of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, Obang Metho, sheds light on the systematic violation of indigenous land rights by Ethiopia’s autocratic regime, resulting in the alleged torture and imprisonment of those who resist. And although this is happening in a land far, far away, says Obang, these atrocities are funded by UK aid.

‘We live in a country where the minorities are not only denied their rights, but where their rights do not exist,’ deplored Mr Metho, painting a picture of Ethiopia as a land without rule of law, accountability, or even respect for the basic liberal principle that all people are equal. As a member of a minority tribe called Anuak, which comprises less than 0.1% of Ethiopia’s population, based primarily in the south-west region of Gambella, Obang claims to have had first-hand experience of being treated as a second-class citizen.

The problem in Gambella, however, is not one of poverty. ‘People usually know Ethiopia for the starvation, dead cows, skinny children, people not having enough food to eat,’ explains Obang, ‘but Gambella is one of the most fertile areas in Ethiopia.’

According to Mr Metho, the indigenous inhabitants of Gambella live off their land and the rivers; they breed their own cattle and grow their own crops. But the activist explains that while Gambella’s indigenous communities are self-sufficient, they receive no support from the government in terms of education, healthcare and the provision of clean water. On the contrary, he says, they are deprived of their only means of survival by a state policy of land grabbing.

Obang describes the process of land grabbing as a brutal one. He claims that the government uses armed force to turn entire communities out of their homes, transporting them miles away from the land their families have owned for centuries before leasing the land to foreign firms, which turn it into commercial farms or sugar plantations in order to attract investment.  Obang claims that millions of acres of Ethiopian land have been seized in this way since the global food shortage in 2008.

‘In China, their population is skyrocketing,’ explains Obang, ‘their population needs food. But where do they find it? From somewhere where people have no voice, like Ethiopia.’

Obang explains that those who refuse to vacate their land and burn down their huts are generally arrested by Ethiopian authorities, tortured or forced into exile – allegations which have been echoed in NGO reports. Mr Metho claims that those who comply with the demands generally do so because they are promised the alternative of ‘villagization.’ While this term summons images of comfort, community and urban development, the reality is reportedly quite different:

‘The government’s action plan was to give these people access to services... But since the people have been displaced, which is up to three years ago for some of them, there’s nothing. There’s no school built, there’s no health centre... the local people had to build the school with wood, and the kids sit on the rocks. So some of these villages are abandoned, no one’s living there anymore.’

‘These are people who are used to feeding themselves, but now the government gives them food aid with ‘USA’ written all over it, while they sit there and do nothing all day. Making the people inactive... there are no words to describe that kind of injustice,’ he adds. ‘They’re taking them somewhere where the food will be given to them! The irony is just ridiculous. And no one is saying anything about it.’

According to Obang, Western aid perpetuates Ethiopia’s land grabbing policy; he claims that the donations, which constitute 40% of the country’s GDP, ultimately pay the wages of the Ethiopian soldiers commanded to seize indigenous property, while UK and US-supplied food packages are channelled to communities which have been ‘villagized’ against their will.

‘[Donor countries] don’t want to hear the words “accountability, transparency, corruption, good governing, human rights” because they carry responsibility,’ says Obang. ‘So they have turned a blind eye. Ethiopia is getting almost 3.1 billion dollars from the West. But rule of law..? The simple rights that the donor countries are founded on are being violated right in front of them, and they’re not doing anything about it.’

British press coverage of one particular lawsuit against the UK Department of International Development by an Ethiopian victim of land grabs reflects this neglect. The plaintiff, "Mr O," claims that UK aid, intended to supply starving Ethiopians with food and clean water, was misused by the State to pay the military who forcibly seized his land and tortured him. One particular leading British newspaper saw no reason for the UK to exercise due diligence on its aid exports, opting instead for a particularly inflammatory headline.

Obang believes that the Western media’s silence on the plight of Africa’s indigenous populations is tactical: ‘The donor countries of the West are turning a blind eye because Ethiopia claims to protect its national interests through the war on terror, fighting al-Shabab,’ says Obang, who agrees that while national interests are important, greater attention needs to be paid to the needs of individual citizens. ‘We need to have a society where we see the humanity before anything else, before religion, language, dialect,’ insists Obang.

‘For me it’s not a land grab. It’s life grabs. It’s grabbing the life and the future of these people,’ explains the activist. ‘These are not people who have grown up on food that’s been bought by income from the office. These are people who survive on the land... They are agriculturalists. So for them the land is who they are. So the land is their identity. They are the land, the land is them. And so when the government is coming to give this land to the foreigners without consultation, without compensation, it’s really scary.’

However, Obang reminds us that this is not the first time that foreigners have exploited poor governance in Africa in order to reap the continent’s resources. ‘This is what I call “the second scramble for Africa,”’ says Obang. But this time, he claims, Africans are taking a leading role.

‘An Ethiopian making the decision to lease 360,000 acres of land for 99 years for 99 cents without consulting the people is almost equivalent to the Berlin Conference in 1884. The Europeans made the decision to divide up Africa. Africans were not at the table. The decision was made, and even today, Africans are paying the price for that because they were not consulted,’ explains Obang. ‘And the same thing [is happening] now, these African dictators, autocratic leaders which are not elected by the people are doing exactly the same thing in terms of land grabs, in terms of natural resources .’

 For Obang, the solution is unlikely to be a peaceful one. ‘Ethiopia is a ticking bomb’, he warns, ‘if it is not handled properly, it could be worse than Rwanda, because you have a tiny minority controlling everything: the Tigrayan people... The ethnic volcano will erupt in Ethiopia and when it does, everyone will say, “Oh, we didn’t know about this”.’

For Obang, therefore, the answer is to raise global awareness to the neglect of indigenous rights in Ethiopia and the unethical nature of trade relations between African countries and wealthier countries. His organisation, Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, aims to sensitise indigenous communities in Ethiopia to their rights – a difficult task given that many NGOs and political opponents are either imprisoned in Ethiopia or banned.

‘We try to mobilise more people in the Diaspora and get the message back to the people,’ he says. ‘We have to be more tactical... we have what we call a “tree-mail.” If we want to send an idea, we write an article, send it to a person, and then that person prints it out, goes out late at night and nails them on the trees. So there is a way,’ insists Obang, ‘you cannot deny human freedom completely.’

But Mr. Metho insists that his cause requires long-term, international pressure to be placed on African despots. This, according to Obang, can only be achieved by encouraging world leaders to set aside trade concerns and Ethiopia’s elusive “national interests” and focus instead on the sufferings of individuals. Instead of seeking further Western aid, therefore, Obang merely asks that existing aid – which comprises 40% of Ethiopia’s GDP - be attached with the same transparency and accountability that is so valued in the Western world. ‘We are not asking the Western countries to free Africa,’ he explains, ‘but we’re asking them not to be the road-block for Africa.’

Isabelle Younane, MRG Communications Intern

- See more at: http://www.minorityvoices.org/news.php/en/1725/ethiopia-obang-metho-condemns-life-grabs-and-the-second-scramble-for-africa#sthash.U9y917zh.dpuf

The Ethiopian Air Lines Saga By Berhane Kidane

October 21st, 2012

Since its inception, the Ethiopian Air Lines has been the pride of all Ethiopians. The Ethiopian Airlines is one of the best Air Lines in the world. Its employees do not just consider their job as a place where they only get paychecks. They take enormous pride and consider the airlines as their own. This has been the long history of the Ethiopian Airlines. In 1991, when the TPLF took power, there were speculations about the future of the airlines. In fact, some suggested that the TPLF was thinking of handing over the airlines to the EPLF; it was also speculated that the regime was going to merge the airlines with Djibouti, Sudan, and Eritrean airlines. During that period, Eritrea did not have its own airlines. Regardless however, the speculation continued. When Seye Abraha was the chairman of the Board, he took measures that angered several employees at the airlines. When the employees complained about the change that was taking place at the airlines, he reportedly said that “I will be happy to fire every one of you and replace you with foreign workers.” As the foremer employee of the airlines, I can tell you that I have never witnessed any one as bully as Seye Abraha in the airlines. That was then.
Since the TPLF took power, the major change in the Ethiopian airlines was the logo. The Lion that gave the plane its grace has been removed and we only have the Ethiopian flag on our planes; in addition, the written word where it said Ethiopian Air Lines is removed and replaced by “Ethiopian”. These are may be cosmetic changes that did not affect the operation of the airlines. Since I was a former employee, I still consider the airlines as part of my family. I take pride not only as a citizen but also as someone who contributed something for its growth. Because of my attachment with the airlines, I always seek to know what is going on in the airlines. I have good friends who are still working there. By measuring their “temperature,” I know the health of the airlines. When Mr. Girma Wakie was the CEO, I seldom hear complaints. Mr. Girma was appreciated by labor as well as the management. The former Ethiopian Airlines Trade Union Chairman described Mr. Girma as the “modern father” of the airlines. Mr. Girma cared only about the employees’ ability to perform. He never cared about anyone’s ethnicity or political affiliations. I believe it was the “Reporter” newspaper that wrote few years ago stating the only government institution that has not become the political wing of the ruling party was the Ethiopian Airlines. That was true then, but that truth does not hold water today.
After Mr. Girma retired from the airlines in 2011, the Chief Operating Officer (COO) became the CEO. Whether it was by merit or by political affiliation that the former COO is elevated to be the CEO, this writer can’t say. What is apparent however is that Mr. Girma was brought to the Ethiopian Airlines in 2003 from the Gulf Air; he was an outsider, and he was not affiliated with any political entity. He was given a free hand to do as he liked in conducting the airlines’ business. He was well respected by the former Chairman of the Board, Mr. Seyoum Mesfin, as well as by Mr. Meles Zenawi. No one interfered in Mr. Girma’s decision. Mr. Girma got down to business as soon as he took office. He worked with labor and management as a team. He did not alienate employees. He took his job at heart. He charted a new and bold plan. He hired the locally based Ernst and Young team to be his advisors. He devised a five year strategic plan which he followed to the letter: the strategy that he dubbed “Vision 2010” was launched in 2005. He listened to the complaint of his employees and raised their salary by 40/%.
Even before Vision 2010 was implemented, the airlines grew by about 20/% in 2004 alone. This was an impressive start, and a spring board for the five year plan that Mr. Girma devised. Although the initial deal was for Mr. Girma to work as the CEO of the airlines for five years, his contract was extended and he led the airlines for more than seven years. By the time he retired from the Ethiopian airlines, the Ethiopian airlines became the second largest airlines in Africa. The airlines profit grew from 269 million Birr to more than 1.3 billion Birr. The number of passengers has tripled under Mr. Girma. He changed the dynamic between labor and management, the employees and the country took enormous pride. Under Mr. Girma, the Ethiopian Airlines began flying to North America. I believe, one of the advantages for the success of Mr. Girma was that he was a professional and cared little about politics. Any one at the Ethiopian airlines would tell you, Mr. Girma did not tolerate any attempt to make the airlines a political hub by any party. Although some TPLF leaders like Sibhat Nega were not happy, politics had no place at the airlines during the tenure of Mr. Girma.
This however is not true now. The political and management culture at the airlines has changed. When Mr. Tewolde took office, instead of building on what Mr. Girma left him, he picked a fight with the airlines trade union. He angered employees by violating the collective agreement; threats and intimidation became mode of operands in the airlines. Within a month after taking his position, Mr. Tewolde prevented Technicians from leaving the country, he angered the cabin crew by changing their pays. Leaders of the Trade Union were threatened. In fact, the chairman of the trade union fled the country fearing for his life six month after Mr. Tewolde became the CEO. The new chairman and the leaders of the trade union were threatened by the CEO and forced to sign a collective agreement that harmed the employees. TPLF/EPRDF cadres found an open filed to recruit members from the airlines with threats and intimidations. Mr. Tewolde demanded that employees work one day a week for free. Employees will tell you that you are not even allowed to stand in a group in the airlines compound. Witnesses have been seen employees taken by security officers from cafeteria, employees lounge room, and employees club. Ethiopian Airlines employees are leaving the institution in alarming rates. Some are leaving not only the airlines also the country fearing for their lives.
Recently, an employee who fled to Kenya told me that the former first lady, Azeb Mesfin, is playing a significant role in the airlines. By law, the cargo and ground operation in Ethiopia has to be conducted only by the Ethiopian Airlines. Recently however, a company called International Cargo Service (ICAS) has taken the ground handing and cargo service at Ethiopian airports. The employees who saw the business shift from the Ethiopian airlines to ICAS complained to the CEO. Instead of investigating how that was possible and stopping ICAS’s operation, the CEO lambasted the employees. Some reports indicate ICAS is owned by Sheik Mohammed Alamudi and that Azeb Mesfin is a partner in this operation. It is not clear whether Azeb is a partner as an individual or as a Chairwoman of EFFORT. In Less than two years since taking over the airlines, Mr. Tewolde has managed to alienate the union, none union employees, and some in the management. Employees will tell you that moral is low; and employees are frustrated with the management style of the CEO. It is not by accident that Addisu Legesse was appointed to be the Chairman of the Ethiopian Airlines Board when Mr. Tewolde became the CEO. Addisu cannot challenge the TPLF in any capacity.
It is not clear what the future of the Ethiopian Airlines is going to be. What is clear however, the CEO’s political affiliation with the ruling party is having a profound effect in the operation of the airlines. Employees who do not support the ruling party and who refused to join the EPRDF are living in fear. Any statement an employee makes could be interpreted as anti government statement and could be used against the employee. No one knows how the power of Azeb Mesfin is going to be curtailed or contained as a result of Meles Zenawi’s death. Like most Ethiopian civil servants, the Ethiopian Airlines employees are under assault. The pressure either to be a member of the ruling party or to quit their jobs is mounting. Is there a plan to control the Ethiopian Airlines by the ruling party? The answer seem to be yes. Anyone would tell you that the face of the airlines is changing fast. Instead of merit, ethnic or political affiliation is the one that get you a job at the Ethiopian airlines under Mr. Tewolde. I hate to inject ethnic politics, but the fact is the airlines is hiring more Tigryans now than at any time in its history; not just Tigryans, but Tigryans loyal to the ruling party. As one employee said to me, it seems the TPLF shadow is hovering everywhere over every aspect of the Ethiopian airlines operation.
What is sad is, the Ethiopian airlines spends thousands of Birr to train an employee. It is after months of rigorous training and well designed education that one becomes a permanent employee of the airlines. In fact, the expense to train and educate an employee is so outrageous, if you quit your job from the airlines, you are required to pay the money for your training and education. Now, the well trained employees are leaving the airlines because the airlines management implicitly or explicitly has made it difficult to do their jobs. It seems that unless you become a loyal member or supporter of the ruling party, you have no place in Ethiopia now days. Is the trend going to change because of the new prime minister? It is unlikely. So far, the new PM has shown he will stay the course. I hope that the management at the Ethiopian airlines will open its eyes and see the damage that it is doing not only to the airlines but also to the country. The CEO has laid out his vision as we all have read on various news accounts; the Ethiopian Airlines has purchased new cargo and passenger planes. This is all good; however, the CEO vision will not materialize unless he relied on professionals to do the job. Unless the CEO changes his hat from TPLF operative to the one that makes him the CEO of the airlines, the saga of the Ethiopian airlines would be a sad one instead of pride. It is time for the Chairman of the Board, the PM, and other responsible parties to see what is going on in the Ethiopian airlines and rectify the problem.

በሙት የሚመራ የሙታን ድርጅት (ኢህአዴግ)

መለስን ቅበሩት!
ተመስገን ደሳለኝ
ከኢትዮጵያ ሀገሬ የደቀቀ ኢኮኖሚ ላይ በማን አህሎኝነት ወጪ ተደርጎ፣ ቅጥ ባጣ መልኩ በመላ አገሪቱ እየተከበረ ስላለው የቀድሞ አምባገነን ጠ/ሚኒስትር ሁለተኛ ሙት ዓመት ዝክርም ሆነ ሰውየውን ዛሬም በአፀደ-ህይወት ያለ ለማስመሰል እየሞከሩ ላሉት ጓዶቹ አንዲት ምክር ብጤ ጣል ማድረጉ ተገቢ ነው ብዬ ስለማስብ በአዲስ መስመር እንዲህ እላለሁ፡-
አብዮታዊው ገዥ-ግንባር ግንቦት ሃያ፣ የህወሓት ምስረታ፣ የብአዴን አፈጣጠር፣ የኦህዴድና የደኢህዴን ውልደት፣ የብሔር ብሔረሰቦች በዓል፣ የባንዲራ ቀን፣ የመከላከያ ሳምንት፣ የፍትሕ ሳምንት፣ የሕዳሴ ግድብ መሰረት ድንጋይ የተጣለበት… ጅኒ-ቁልቋል እያለ ዓመቱን ሙሉ በማይጨበጥ ተራ ፕሮፓጋንዳ ማሰልቸትን መንግስታዊ ኃላፊነት አድርጎታል፡፡ ይህ እንግዲህ ለቁጥር የሚያታክቱ፣ በነጭ ውሸት የታጨቁ እና በአብዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲ ቅኝት የተንሸዋረሩ ‹ዶክመንተሪ ፊልሞቹ›ን ረስተንለት ነው፡፡
ይህ ሁሉ ያልበቃው ‹‹ጀግናው›› ኢህአዴግ ከጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር መለስ ዜናዊ ህልፈት ወዲህ፣ ወርሃ-ነሐሴንም እንደ ግንቦት ሃያው ሁሉ የሟቹን ታጋይነትና አብዮታዊነት፤ ሕዝባዊነትና አርቆ አስተዋይነት፤ የርዕዮተ-ዓለም ተራቃቂነትና የአየር ንብረት ተካራካሪነት፤ በፖለቲካ ቢሉ በኢኮኖሚ ቁጥር አንድ ጠቢብነትና ባለራዕይነት፤ ፍፁም ፃድቅነትና ሰማዕትነት…. የሚተረክበት ሲያደርገው ቅንጣት ታህል ሀፍረት አልተሰማውም፡፡ ሰሞኑን በ‹‹ኢትዮጵያ›› ቴሌቪዥን ግድ ሆኖብን ተመልክተንና ሰምተን በትዝብት ካሳለፍናቸው ‹‹መለስ፣ መለስ›› ከሚሉ የከንቱ ውዳሴ አደንቋሪ ድምፆች በተጨማሪ፣ የኦሮሞን ባሕላዊ ልብስ ሲያለብሱት፣ ሐረሪዎች ጋቢ ሲደርቡለት፤ በደቡብ የሚገኙ ብሔሮች የየራሳቸውን ባሕል የሚወክሉ አልባሳት ሲሸልሙት፣ ስለወላይታነቱ ሲመሰክሩለት… ደጋግመን ለመመልከት ተገደናል፤ ይሁንና ድርጅቱ ስለ ቀድሞ ሊቀ-መንበሩ አልፋና ኦሜጋነት ለመስበክ ዙሪያ ጥምዝ ከዳከረለት ከእንዲህ አይነቱ የተንዛዛ ፕሮፓጋንዳ ይልቅ፣ በዚሁ የቴሌቪዥን መስኮት የቀረበ አንድ ጎልማሳ ‹‹መለስ ሁሉም ማለት ነው›› ሲል የሰጠው አስተያየት፣ ቅልብጭ አድርጎ ይገልፅለት ነበር ብዬ አምናለሁ፡፡ የዚህ አይነቱ ምጥን አስተያየትም በጥራዝ ነጠቅነት ዘላብዶ የኋላ ኋላ በሀፍረት ከማቀርቀር ያድናል፡፡ ለምሳሌ እናንተ የግንባሩ ካድሬዎች ስለመለስ ምሁርነት ለመናገር ስትዳዱ ሁሌ የምትደጋግሙት፣ ያንኑ የአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ አርቃቂነቱ እና የልማታዊ ዴሞክራሲያዊ መንግስት ኀልዮት አዋቃሪነቱ ነው፡፡ ግና፣ ይህ ‹‹ንድፈ-ሃሳብ›› ተብዬ ራሱ በርዕዮተ-ዓለምነት ለመጠራት የማይበቃ የተውሸለሸለ ጭብጥ ስለመሆኑ በርካታ ምሁራን በጥናቶቻቸው ከማስረገጣቸው ባሻገር፣ አገሪቷን ለከባድ ኢኮኖሚያዊ ድቀት፣ ሕዝቧን ደግሞ ለጥልቅ ድህነት መዳረጉን ብቻ ማስታወሱ በቂ ይሆናል፡፡ ስለልማታዊ መንግስት አዋጭነት በብቸኝነት እንደተከራከረ ተደርጎ የሚለፈፈውን እንኳን ንቆ መተው ሳይሻል አይቀርም፡፡ ከታንዲካ ማካንደዋሬና መሰል የፅንሰ-ሃሳቡ አበጂዎች የዘረፋቸውን መከራከሪያዎች ማን ዘርዝሮ ይዘልቀውና፡፡ ‹መለስን ቅበሩት› የምለውም፣ እንዲህ ያሉ አስነዋሪ ማንነቶቹን ማስታወስ ስለሚያም ነው፡፡
እናም እውነት እውነት እላችኋለሁ፡- ስለሰውዬው የምትነግሩን እና የምታስቀጥሉት ‹ሌጋሲ›ም ሆነ የምትተገብሩት ረብ ያለው አንድም ራዕይ የለምና ዝም፣ ፀጥ ብላችሁ የምራችሁን ቅበሩት፡፡ እስቲ! ኦጋዴንን ተመልከቱ፤ ካሻችሁም ወደ አኝዋኮች ተሻገሩ፤ ያን ጊዜ እናንተ በአርያም የሰቀላችሁት ሰው፣ ለነዚህ ሁለት ብሔሮች የቀትር ደም የጠማው ጨካኝ መሪ እንደነበር፣ በክፋት ትዕዛዞቹ ጥፋት ከተረፈ ጠባሳ ትረዱታላችሁ፡፡ ለአቅመ-ሔዋን ያልደረሱ ህፃናት በሰልፍ የሚደፈሩባት፣ ወጣቶች እንጀራ ፍለጋ በተስፋ-ቢስነት ጥልቁን ውቅያኖስ ሰንጥቀው ለመሰደድ የማያመነቱባት፣ የጤና ኬላ ማግኘት ተስኗቸው በልምሻ የሚባትቱ ብላቴኖችን በአቅም-የለሽነትና በቁጭት የምናስተውልባት ደካማ አገር አስረክቦን እንዳለፈ ከወዴት ተሰወረባችሁ? ከቀዬዎቻቸው በጉልበት ለተፈናቀሉ ወገኖች በመቆርቆር ‹‹ሕግ ይከበር!›› ባሉ በየጉራንጉሩ ወድቀው እንዲቀሩ የተፈረደባቸው ጎበዛዝትን ሬሳ እንድንቆጠር ያደረገን ደመ-ቀዝቃዛ ‹መሪ› እንደነበረስ ስንት ጊዜ እያስታወስን እንቆዝም? ቀደምት አባቶች ወራሪውን ፋሽስት ለማንበርከክ የተዋደቁባቸው ጢሻና ኮረብቶች በዚህ ዘመን የዜጎች ወደሞት አገራት መሸጋገሪያ ጽልማሞቶች የሆኑት በማን ሆነና ነው? ከሕግ ተጠያቂነት ቢያመልጥ፣ ከታሪክ ተወቃሽነት ልትታደጉት የምትችሉ ይመስላችኋልን?
…ይልቅ እመኑኝ! ፀጥ ብላችሁ ላንዴና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ ጥልቅ ጉድጓድ ቆፍራችሁ ቅበሩት! ላይመለስ በመሄዱም እንደ ግልግል ቆጥራችሁት እርሱት!! መቼም በገዛ ራሱ ሕዝብ ላይ ትውልዶች ይቅር ሊሉት የሚሳናቸውን ይህን መሰሉ መከራ ላዘነበ ሰው በአፀደ-ስጋ ሳለም ሆነ በበድን የሙት መንፈሱ ስር በየዓመቱ ለአምላኪነት መንበርከክ፣ የናንተን አልቦ ማንነት እንጂ ሌላ አንዳች የሚነገረን ቁም ነገር ጠብ ሊለው አይችልም፡፡ ይህም ሆኖ ለመለስ አምልኮ እጅ መስጠት አሳፋሪነቱ፣ ለካዳሚዎቹ ብቻ መሆኑን መስክሮ ማለፉ የቀሪዎቻችን ዕዳ እንደሆነ መገንዘብ አለብን፡፡

ነፃነት እና ዳቦ

June 23, 2012 at 2:43pm

June 5, 2012
በሚሰሩበት ቦታ፣ በሚኖሩበት ሰፈር ወይም አንድ ካፌ ውስጥ ቁጭ ብለው አጠገብዎ የተቀመጡ ወጣቶች ስለ እንድ ፖለቲካ ነክ ጉዳይ አንስተው ሲወያዩ ይሰማሉ እንበል፡፡ የሚወያዩበት ጉዳይ አሁን በስልጣን ላይ ያለውን መንግስት የሚያስከፋ እንደሚሆን ከገመቱ፤ ወጣቶቹን ‹የቀበጡ ለት› በሚል ዕይታ ገርመም ያደርጓቸዋል ወይም እራስዎትን ከቦታው ‹አልሰማሁም› በሚል እንድምታ ያሸሻሉ አልያም የሚራራ ልብ ካልዎት ለልጆቹ ይፈሩላቸዋል – እርስዎ እንደሰሟቸው የመንግስት ሰው (‹‹ጆሮ ጠቢ››) ቢሰማቸው ሊደርስባቸው የሚችለውን እያሰቡ፡፡ ፖለቲካ ነክ አይነት ውይይቶች ላይ የሚሳተፍ የቅርብ የሆነ ሰው ካልዎት ይመክራሉ፣ ይገስፃሉ፡፡ ምክርዎትን ለማጠናከር ምሳሌ አያጡም፡፡ በሀገሪቱ ጉዳይ ያገባናል ብለው የመንግስትን ውሳኔ ተቃውመው፣ የልዩነት ሃሳባቸውን በማሰማታቸው ብቻ ለእንግልት፣ ከኢኮኖሚ ዕድሎች የመገለል እና ግፋም ሲል ለእስራት የተዳረጉ ዜጎች ብዙ ናቸው፡፡ ‹ምን አጥተሽ ነው?› ሲሉ ይጠይቋታል በሀገሪቱ ፖለቲካ ንቁ ተሳታፊ (informed active participant) የሆነች ወዳጅዎትን፡፡ ‹ስራ አለሽ፤ በልተሽ ካደርሽ እና ከእኛ ጋር ማሕበራዊ ግንኙነት እንዳታደርጊ ማንም ካልከለከለሽ፤ ምን ይሁን ብለሽ ነው ከማትችይው ጋር የምትጋፊው? ደሞ ብቻሽን ለውጥ ላታመጪ! ለኛ ጭንቀት ነው ትርፉ› በማለት አርፋ ብትቀመጥ የተሻለ መሆኑን ይነግሯታል፡፡
በነፃነት ሃሳብን የመግለፅ (ወይም የሌላ አይነት ነፃነት) እጦት እራሱን ከሚያሳይባቸው መንገዶች አንዱና ዋነኛው ዜጎች በሀገራቸው ጉዳይ ላይ ንቁ ተሳታፊ መሆን የሚያስከፍላቸው ዋጋ ከፍተኛ እንደሆነ ተገንዝበው፥ ግላዊ የሆነ ጭቆና እስካላጋጠማቸው ድረስ የተፈቀደላቸውን ብቻ እየተናገሩ/እየፃፉ/እያደረጉ ተቆጥበው መኖርን መምረጣቸው ነው፡፡
አከራካሪውን የቅደም ተከተል ጉዳይ ወደ ጎን ትተን ነፃነትንና ብልፅግና ሁለቱም እንደሚያስፈልጉን ግልፅ ነው፡፡ የነፃነት ጫፍ የተረጋገጥባት ነገር ግን ሰዎች ከዕለት ጉርሻ እጦት በየዕለቱ የሚረግፉባት ሀገር እንዲኖረን የማንመኘውን ያክል ዜጎች ችጋር የሚባል ነገር ሲነገር ብቻ የሚሰሙባት ነገር ግን መንግስት የሚናገሩትን፣ መስራት የሚችሉትን ወይንም ለአጠቃላይ እንቅስቃሴያቸው ልኬት አበጅቶ ጥሩ ከሚቀለብ የቤት እንስሳ የማይለዩበት ሀገር እንዲኖረን ፈዕሞ አንፈልግም፡፡
መጀመሪያ ራሴን ልቻል ወይስ መጀመሪያ ራሴን ልሁን?
ከነፃነት ይልቅ ቁሳዊ ብልፅግናን የሚያስቀድሙ ሰዎች በመከራከሪያቸው የሰው ልጆች ነፃነትን ማክበር የሚቻልበት ደረጃ ላይ ለመድረስና ዘላቂነቱንም ለማረጋገጥ ከድህነት ለመውጣት ቁልፍ የሆነውን ኢኮኖሚያዊ እድገትን ማረጋገጥ እንደ ቅድመ ሁኔታ ያስቀምጣሉ፡፡ እነዚህ ሰዎች ፍፁም አምባ ገነናዊ ወይም ለዘብተኛ አገዛዞች (Authoritorian regimes) ዲሞክሪያሲያዊ ከሆኑና መሰረታዊ ነፃነቶችን ከሚያከብሩ ስርአቶች ይልቅ የኢኮኖሚ እድገትን ለማረጋገጥ የተሻለ ምቹ ሁኔታ እንደሚፈጥሩ ለማሳመን ይሞክራሉ፡፡ ስለዚህም የኢኮኖሚ እድገት እስኪመጣ ድረስ የሚታጣው በሀገሪቷ የፖለቲካ ጉዳይ ላይ የመሳተፍ ነፃነት፣ የመደራጀት ነፃነት፣ የነፃና ፍትሃዊ ምርጫዎች አለመካሄድ፣ ወዘተ… ለብልፅግና የሚከፈል መስዕዋትነት ተደርጎ እንዲቆጠር ይፈልጋሉ፡፡
አምባ ገነናዊ ስርአት ኢኮኖሚያዊ ብልፅግናን ለማምጣት የተሻለ ምቹ ሁኔታ እንዴት ይፈጥራል?
የዚህ መከራከሪያ ፅንሰ ሐሳብ የሰው ልጆችን  የሚስለው በተፈጥሮ ሰነፍ እነደሆኑ አድርጎ ነው፡፡ ሰዎች የተሻለ ውጤት ያለው ስራ የሚሰሩት በጠንካራ ቁጥጥር ስር ሆነው ሲሰሩ ብቻ ስለሆነ ይህንን ከግንዛቤ በመክተት መንግስት በዜጎቹ ላይ ከብረት የጠነከረ የስራ ሥነ-ምግባርን ለማስረፅ መስራት አለበት፡፡ የዜጎችን ነፃነት ማክበር/ማስከበር ለእድገት ‹አስፈላጊ› የሆነውን የስራ ሥነ-ምግባር ለማስረፅ መንግስት ለሚወስዳቸው እርምጃዎች እንቅፋቶች ይሆናሉ፡፡ ስለዚህም መንግስት አስፈላጊ ብሎ ባመነበት ወቅት ሁሉ ከኪሱ እያወጣ የሚጠቀምበት ልክ የለሽ ሀይል ያስፈልገዋል፡፡
ዲሞክራሲያዊ የሆኑ ስርአቶች በአንፃሩ ልፍስፍሶች ናቸው፤ እንደብልፅግናን የሚያስቀድሙ ሰዎች መከራከሪያ ከሆነ፡፡ በዲሞክራሲያዊ ስርአት ውስጥ ስልጣንን ለመቆጣጠር የብዙሃኑን ድምፅ ማግኘት ግድ ስለሚል ስልጣን ላይ መውጣት/መቆየት የሚፈልግ ሃይል የብዙሃኑን ድጋፍ ለማግኘት ሲል ተወዳጅ (popular) የሆኑ ፖሊሲዎችን ይመርጣል፡፡ ለአጭር ጊዜ ህዝቡን ማስደሰት የሚችሉት እነዚህ ፖሊሲዎች የረጅም ጊዜ ውጤት ግን እድገትን የሚያበረታታ አይደለም፡፡ ለምሳሌ አብዛኞቹ ተወዳጅ የሚባሉት ፖሊሲዎች ለዕድገት አስፈላጊ የሆነውን ሃብትን ከማከማቸት ይልቅ ፍጆታን የሚያበረታቱ ናቸው፡፡
‹‹ነፃ አስተሳሰብ ለተሻለ ሕይወት!›› (ሬዲዮ ፋና)
በሌላ በኩል ነፃነት አስቀድሞ ያስፈልገናል የሚለው መከራከሪያ ማዕከል የሚያደርገው  የሰው ልጆች የበለጠ ውጤታማ ስራ መስራት የሚችሉት በነፃነት ማሰብ እና መስራት ሲችሉ መሆኑን ነው፡፡ የሰው ልጆች የህልውናቸው መገለጫ የሆነውን ነፃነታቸውን ተገፍፈው ውጤታማ የሆነ ስራ ሊሰሩ አይችሉም፤ ነፃነት ከሌላቸው የተሻለ የፈጠራ ስራ ሰርተው የተሻለ ነገን ለመኖር ማበረታቺያ አይኖራቸውም፡፡ ያላቸውንም ሃብትንም በአጭር ጊዜ ጥቅም በሚያስገኝላቸው ትርፋማ ስራ ላይ ብቻ ያውሉታል፡፡ ከሁሉም በላይ ግን በሚያስተዳድራቸው መንግስት ላይ አመኔታን ያጣሉ፡፡ የተሻለ ምርታማ እና የአዳዲስ ግኝቶች ፈጣሪ የሆኑ የኢኮኖሚው እድገት አቀላጣፊ ዜጎችን ለማበረታታት መሰረታዊ እና ፖለቲካዊ የሰው ልጆችን ነፃነት የሚያከብር ዲሞክራሲያዊ ስርአት ያስፈልጋል፡፡
ፍፁም አምባ ገነናዊ ወይንም ለዘብተኛ አገዛዞች ዜጎች ለራሳቸው ከሚያውቁት ይልቅ መንግስት አስበልጦ እንደሚያቅላቸው ያምናሉ፡፡ ስለዚህም የዜጎቻቸውን ነፃነት ‹ለዜጎች ጥቅም› ሲሉ ይገድባሉ፡፡ በመጀመሪያ ዲሞክሪያሲያዊ ያልሆኑ ስርአቶች በተፈጥሯቸው ለዜጎቻቸው ‹የሚሻለውን› የመምረጥ ውክልና የላቸውም/ይጎላቸዋል፡፡ ‹ለራሳቸው የማያውቁት› ዜጎች ለነፃነታቸው መነፈግ በእርግጠኝነት አጸፋዊ መልስ ይሰጣሉ – የአጸፋው ዓይነት ይለያይ እንጂ፡፡ እነዚህ አጸፋዎች ከመንግስት ጋር በምንም ጉዳይ ከአለመተባበር/ከመለገም እስከ ትጥቅ ትግል ሊደርሱ ይችላሉ፡፡ ዜጎች የሚሰጡት የአጸፋ መልስ በሀገሪቷ ባሕል፣ ታሪክ፣ ወዘተ… ይወሰናል፡፡ የትኛውም አጸፋዊ እርምጃ ታዲያ የኢኮኖሚ እድገትን በተቃራኒው አቅጣጫ ነው የሚጎትተው፡፡
ጥናቶችስ ምን ይላሉ?
የኢኮኖሚ እድገትን ለማረጋገጥ ለተወሰነ ጊዜም ቢሆን አምባ ገነናዊ አገዛዝ ያስፈልጋል እና የኢኮኖሚ እድገትን ለማረጋገጥ የሰው ልጆች ተፈጥሮ አንድ አካል የሆነው ነፃነታቸው ወሳኝ ሚና አለው በሚለው ክርክር የመጨረሻ አቋም መያዝ ለተቸገረ ሰው ፊቱን ወደ ጥናቶች ማዞር አማራጭ ነው፡፡
አገዛዞችን በአንድ ወገን፣ ዲሞክሪያሲያዊ ስርአቶችን በአንድ ወገን አስቀምጠው ሀገራትን ከድህነት ለማውጣት የትኛው ስርአት የተሻለ መዝገብ እንዳለው ለመለየት የትየ ለሌ የሆኑ በቁጥር የታጀቡ ጥናቶች ተደርገዋል፡፡ ጥናቶቹ አበክረው የሚያነሱት ጉዳይ ሁሉም አምባ ገነኖች አንድ ወጥ የሆነ ጭቆና (የነፃነት ገደብ) እንደማይፈጽሙ በዛም ልክ ሁሉም ዴሞክራሲያዊ ስርአቶች ሁሉንም ዓይነት (ፖለቲካዊ፣ ግለሰባዊ፣ ወዘተ) ነፃነቶችን በእኩል ደረጃ እንደማይጠብቁ ነው፡፡ ይህንን ከግምት በመክተት ከጥናቶቹ የሚገኘው መረጃ በአጠቃላይ ሲገመገም የሚያሳየው – ሁለቱም ዓይነት የመንግስት ስርአቶች ድህነትን በማጥፋት ረገድ ያላቸው መዝገብ ቅይጥ  መሆኑን ነው – ዴሞክሪያሲያዊም ሆነ አምባ ገነን መንግስት ድህነትን ለማሸነፍ እርግጠኛ እና ብቸኛ መንገድ አይደለም፡፡
የመንግስት ስርአት እንደ ውጨ መጥ (exogenous)?
የአንድ ደሃ ሀገር የመንግስት ስርአት ዴሞክሪያሲያዊ ወይንም አምባ ገነናዊ መሆኑ በራሱ ሀገሪቱን ከድህነት ለማላቀቅ ቀጥተኛ ተፅዕኖ የማይፈጥር ከሆነ የሚሰጠው እንድምታ ምንድን ነው? እውን የስርአቱ ዓይነት ለኢኮኖሚ እድገት ቀመር ውጨ መጥ ነው? ለነዚህ ጥያቄዎች መልስ መስጠት ይከብዳል፡፡ በትንሹ ማለት የምንችለው ግን የዕድገት ምጣኔ ሃብት ባለሙያዎች የዕድገት ቀመር ውስጥ የሚከቷቸውን ተለዋዋጮች (variables) በተወሰነ ደረጃም ቢሆን የመንግስት ስርአት ተፅዕኖ ያደርግባቸዋል – መጠራጠሩ የሚመጣው የተፅዕኖው አቅጣጫ ላይ ነው፡፡
የአዲስ ነገሩ አብይ ተክለማሪያም ይህንኑ ጉዳይ አንስቶ ሲፅፍ የጠየቀውን ጥያቄ ደግሜ ፅሁፌን ልቋጭ፤

“…The question then is this: Do we still find pro-Df [Dabo First] arguments compelling even if we know that we are unable to predict the outcome of giving away our basic liberties with a reasonable degree of certainty?”
‹‹ጥያቄው ታዲያ ይህ ነው፤ ነፃነታችንን አሳልፈን መስጠት ስለሚያመጣው ውጤት በበቂ ደረጃ እርግጠኛ ሳንሆን ‹ዳቦ መጀመርያ› የሚለው መከራከሪያ ውሃ የሚቋጥር ሆኖ እናገኘዋለን?››(ትርጉም የራሴ)

ቸር እንገናኝ!
ጸሀፊውን ለ bemisaleyimiru@gmail.com መልእክት በመላክ ማግኘት ይችላሉ፡፡

Ethiopia has become a one party state ! The government is labeled as the social dictator ......cost of living is rising by the minute ...... Some are treated as second class citizens in a country where there forefathers has shaded their blood to protect ....... Ethiopia needs political reform ..... Ethiopia needs freedom !

No bound to care

No Bound to Care

አዘጋጅ The Insider

Is bad excuse better than none? Not exactly 

 By Befeqadu Hailu

  

“So what do you think is your offense?” my interrogator signed off with this intriguing question    after he made me recount my works as an activist and progressive blogger. Soon after, when my captors permitted me to be reunited with my blogger friends, who are now described as ‘associates’ in the lexicon of inmates we have realized that we were all asked this same question “So what do you think is your offense?” This question is intriguing because it has a comprehensive and totalizing power to describe the entire interrogation process. It is intriguing because it sheds light into our innocence or our into our refusal to acknowledge what our captors suspected us of violating. Yes, our captors probed us severely but they all ended with the same question   “So what do you think is your offense?”  The whole point of the investigation was not to proof or to disproof our offenses but it was to make us plead guilty. With that, our brief two years of operation as Zone9ers which was a perplexity for a lot of people has got answers. Observers perplexed why Ethiopian government tolerated Zone9ers for so long. Given the sensitive nature of Ethiopia’s government to freedom of expression the annoying perplexity of these people is understandable. As the curiosity of these perplexed people come to end; we got apprehended, investigated and blame is being laid up on us for committing acts of ‘crime’ by being a ‘member’ and ‘accepting missions’ of Ginbot7/May 15 and OLF as well.  Next in a row is ‘due processes’ in the prosecution, but I believe there are issues that necessitate this piece.How did our incarceration & investigation go?  Are we really a member of Ginbot7/May15?  If not why have they arrested us?  Will they release us soon?

No matter what, the bounds exist among people if they write about Ethiopia’s s political reality they will have to survive with a peril of incarceration as long as they live in the country. I believe that is why Prof. Mesfin poignantly described Ethiopians as those who have gone through imprisonment, those who are now in prison and those who await imprisonment.  In his book, Prof. Mesfin cited these three layers of Ethiopian captives to his unidentified conversant, credit to him, but we believe everyone who has to survive with a dread to exercise their freedom of expression live in outer ring of the prison, the Nation Itself, that is why we call our blog Zone9.  Merely we were two weeks into our nascent blogging when they made our collective blog inaccessible in Ethiopia in 2012. We gave it a trial until the end but we knew that the fate of our blocked blogs could be our own. We know that we could end up being arrested. In the days and weeks leading up to our incarceration in April 2014, government security agents have been threatening us about our imminent arrest but it is only human to get shaken when it happened. The arrest besieged six obtainable members of the blogging collective and our three journalist allies. Here; I would like to point out that the incarceration of our three journalist allies was a bit of shock at least for us; but later it became noticeable that we were only used as a pretext and their arrest is part of a grand arrangement. The highly coordinated manner of our seizures on its own speaks volumes about government’s pre-calculated grand arrangement. With the exception of one of the journalist (Asmamaw) we were all arrested on Friday the 25^th of April on or about 11:00 pm; from our respective locations.  Asmamaw was arrested the next morning. By the time we were seized and taken to the detention center the search ‘warrant’ that authorized the law enforcement personnel was well over its time limit at least according to Ethiopian law. In fact, the unlawful intrusion of our rights starts right here. Without delay, we become victims of various unlawful courses of actions.  

The very idea of setting a foot in the compound of the ill-famed Maekalawi detention center gives a cold shiver to anyone. But my sheer optimistic trust that the brutal and inhuman treatment of people as Ethiopia’s distant memory saved me from trembling while I was escorted into the compound.  So were my friends, I suppose. What is more; we had nothing to be scared of because; we are neither undercover agents nor members of armed forces; we are just writers. However, as soon as I arrived at Maekelawi detainees informed me that I am in one of the notorious section of the detention centre called ‘Siberia’. In just less than a week I felt I was living right in the middle of the account of Human Rights Watch report of the 2013 titled- They Want a Confession 

The Standard Maekalawi Interrogation

The standard Maekalawi interrogation methods are more of dominance and submission, rather than confidence and creativity. Instead of extracting information from ‘suspects’ the police officers usually fool around; they spend too much time in I know it all kind of game. If this does not succeed in extracting information, they force confessions by punching, beatings, extended physical exercise and flogging. I concluded that this is the standard interrogation routine in Maekalawi since I have endured it with five different police officers. Other detainees have informed me that they have gone through the same procedure. In fact I had an opportunity to converse with detainees who have passed through even wicked procedures that intrude detainees’ privacies. Some detainees got stripped off their clothes and asked to perform stand up-sit dawn. Particularly, I was able to meet with people who suffered from medieval type of torture in an anonymous detention centre before they were brought to their pre-trial detention centre at Maekalawi. These detainees suffer from diabolical barbarity such as forcible extraction of their nails from their fingers, flogging and hooding; among these are students from Haromaya University. What is nauseating is the extracted information from detainees in anonymous detention centre is usually brought to their pre-trial detention center for the purpose of verification. Detainees never know where they were taken for this brutal investigation; because they are hooded. The anonymous detention centers are like black holes. Ethiopian prisoners’ anguish which appeared to be so distant in memory is not that far after all.

Finally, we were made to plead guilty, we confessed under duress. We could not bear with the ceaseless brutal and psychologically degrading pressure. We could not carry on surviving the hellhole of Maekalawi. We end up recounting what our detectives would like better to listen. To the delight of our detectives we have added as many self-incriminating phrases as possible. But phrases such as ‘yes we wanted to incite violence’ never pleased them. Subsequently they have re-written our confessions so that it will fit their frame. Some of us tried to explain; others we had to endure beatings but at last we all succumbed to the pressure and signed the carefully scripted confession pages with the exception of Abel, he refused to sign the rewritten confession pages. He has survived the pain but even his confession pages are complete mendacities let alone ours.

Now we are a living witnesses that torture is part of Maekelawi’s ceremony that reveals the ‘truth’ of a crime. I thought police interrogations were so complex involving high end skills, knowledge   and psychological tactics to establish facts. Thanks to our time at Maeklawi I have realized that police interrogations in Maeklawi are not that complex. In fact they are simple. They are like machines that produce guilt in the detainees. In Maeklawi, the driving principle of police interrogations is ‘you are guilty unless proven otherwise’. Your pleas for innocence or explanation for that matter fell on deaf ears; detectives will cook a crime for you; I call this Maeklawi-sque interrogations.

My experience, especially our own case; convinced me stronger than ever that Maeklawi should go through a complete reform. One can simply observe that there is a significant economy of power invested in Maeklawi. The investigation is not principled; detectives ingratiate the power wielders. I think they are recruited based on their willingness to carry out the desires of the power wielders, not to uphold the rule of law. I think the staffing of employees should be merit based.  These kinds of law enforcement employees should be knowledgeable if they are not they might overlook insightful information when they deal with real criminals and this might jeopardized the safety & security of the country.

An Apple & Orange

The evident part of each of our confession pages which forced us plead guilty were our online campaigns , our plans, the articles we wrote, the trainings we partake, the training manuals, the skills we attempted to impart. I had to admit that we all expected that their plan was to indict us with agitating the public to strife. We thought the ceiling for our ‘crime’ is accusing us of violating article 257/8 criminal code of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. But eureka, when they formally charge us we have realized that we are charged with Ethiopian terrorism law, particularly with violation of its Article 4 which can result in severe punishment of 15 years to life imprisonment. Honestly, speaking this makes my face beam with smile. 

The terrorism charge is smirking because the evidences brought to support the charge are merely our writings, the press releases we wrote during our online campaigns and different training manuals. Other than these documents, there are three ‘documents’ which purportedly proof our connections with Ginbot 7 and OLF. The first one is Ginbot7’s newsletter from September 2009. This newsletter was located in Natnael’s email. Here, it is important to note that Ethiopia’s anti-terror proclamation was not passed into law and Ginbot7 was not yet labeled as a terrorist organization when Natty received the newsletter. The second document was, the one located in the house of Soliyana’s mom during the search and seizures.  The alleged document is the guiding document to draft members of Ginbot7 popular force. Apparently, Soli’s mom refused to acknowledge this document insisting it was inserted by the security agents themselves in their house rather than located. In any way this should not be a big deal especially considering Soli’s stance on armed struggle. We all know that Soli does not support regime change by means of armed struggle. Before my detention last time I check her Twitter bio has an adage “no for war”   The third document is the political program of OLF which was located in the personal computer of Mahlet. In fact, Mahlet has had many political programs of other Oromo political parties but they were not presented as evidence. I don’t want to engage in ping pong kind of argument that yields nonentity. Apparently, for our loved ones if not our leaders it is clear that possessing these documents does confirm neither allegiance nor working relationship with both Ginbot7 & OLF. Our activities and the charges we received are like an apple & orange.  

The preposterous of all allegations is the one which blames us of receiving $2400 money using Natnael as our contact person. This money was a remittance transferred from Article 19 to encourage Reyoot, an imprisoned journalist and of course support her family. During our interrogation we have explained this fact in great detail to the police officers. Adjacent to our claim attached was the receipt to proof the transfer was made by Article 19. But in the charge sheet they tried to get us perceived wrongly and they have attempted to show that we have received the money from the ‘terrorist’ organizations. I imagine they know our innocence; but I think either they maliciously want us suffer or they want to take their time until we prove our innocence.

  

Is bad excuse better than none? Not exactly

Some conundrums are simply explained in old adages like bad excuse is better than none but I think our story can be best explained in an Ethiopian folk story of a hyena and a donkey. The story goes like this. Once upon a time a donkey and a hyena were drinking from the same stream of water. The belligerent hyena whined to the donkey that she is making his water filthy despite he is drinking up in the stream; but the donkey told to the hyena to stop looking for a reason to prey on her. People say a bad excuse is better than none but not in our case! Our story is much more analogous to the story of the hyena and the donkey than to the old adage.

They arrested us without knowing anything other than our names. We genuinely believed that if they know what we have been doing they might understand us. With that sprit we have even passed some of our writings to them through one of their undercover agent who has been following us before our detention but I don’t think they have read the anthology of our writings. Indeed our detectives were craving to plead us guilty in a very desperate manner. But why would they do that? They might want us to stay away from Ethiopian social media sphere until the upcoming Ethiopian national election in May 2015.  Hitherto, we have the first hand experience of favoritism and partiality towards the ruling party. What is left is to try out to defend ourselves using the judicial system. For now let me ponder about our future; will they ‘release’ us? I will not dwell on the legal possibilities of our‘acquitance’ but I will only look into our hypothetical chances. Even though the Ethiopian Federal Police which is an apparatus of the government arrested us without having probable cause; they still thought they would find some sort of transgression. As a matter of fact they could not find anything that would get us accused even in the wildest interpretation of the already broad anti-terrorism proclamation. However; this has not prevented them from using it. The verbosity and trivialities of the charges on its own is an apparent suggestion for the sham nature of their accusations. But I do not think we will get ‘exonerated’ any time soon. Why because;

  

1.      EPRDF is bullheaded. They are stubborn in annoying way. If they think the detainees have generated a lot of support and are critical of their governance. They don’t want to release their captives without dehumanizing them. EPRDF is foolishly childish. Note; I am not saying the global support we received is not helping us. Your support is our daily bread. It is warming us like sunshine. I am sure the day shall come on which we say thank you for your support.

2.      They don’t want take a risk. Even though they have seen our innocence regarding their fear of inciting violence after the upcoming election; they did not want to take a risk. In weeks leading up to our arrest they have been accusing us of planning color revolution following the national election using their media.

3.      They want us suffer. They want us spend our time jail because we are strong critics of their policies.

4.      They do not have any sense of decency that prevent them to hand dawn judgment on innocent people

ሳታመኻኝ ብላኝ

‹‹አያ ጅቦ ሳታመኻኝ ብላኝ›› በበፍቃዱ ሃይሉ

አዘጋጅ Zone 9

‹‹ታዲያ ጥፋቴ ምንድን ነው ትላለህ?!››፣ ብሎኛል አንዱ መርማሪዬ ስለዞን ዘጠኝ እና እኔም እራሴ እንደጦማሪም እንደአራማጅ ተራማጅም ሠራሁ የምላቸውን ነገሮች ዝርዝር ነግሬው ሳበቃ፡፡ በኋላ ላይ በእስር ቤት ቋንቋ ከ‹‹አባሪዎቼ›› ጋር መገናኘት ከተፈቀደልን በኋላ ስንጠያየቅ  ለካስ ሁላችንም ይቺኑ ጥያቄ ተጠይቀናል፡፡ ይኼ ነው እንግዲህ የምርመራችንን ሒደት የሚገልፀው ጥያቄ፡፡ ‹‹ተጠርጥረን›› የተያዝንበትን ጉዳይ የሚያረጋግጥ ሥራ ሠርተን ባለመገኘታችን (ወይም ‹‹ባለመናገራችን››) ታዲያ ጥፋትህ ምንድን ነው? ተባልን፡፡ ምርመራው የኛን ነፃ መሆን አለመሆን ለማጣራት ሳይሆን ጥፋት ለማግኘት ነበር፡፡ ብዙዎች ‹መንግሥት ዞን ዘጠኝን ለምን ሁለት ዓመት እንደታገሠው› ግራ በመጋባት ይጠይቃሉ፤ ባሕሪው አይደለምና፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ሀሳብን የመግለጽ ነጻነት ምኅዳር በቀላሉ እንደገመቱት ተይዘን፣ ተመርምረንና ‹‹ተገኘባችሁ›› የተባልነው ‹‹ የግንቦት 7 [እና ኦነግም ጭምር] አባልነት [ብሎም ግብ አስፈጻሚነት] ›› በሽታ ለተከሳሽነት አብቅቶናል፡፡ ቀጣዩ የክርክር ሂደት ነው፡፡

ከዚያ በፊት ግን ዞን ዘጠኝን በሩቅም በቅርብም የሚያውቁ በግራ መጋባት መልስ እንደሚሹ በማሰብ ይቺን አጭር ማስታወሻ ለመጻፍ ተገድጃለሁ፡፡ የእስራችን ሂደት ምን ይመስላል? የምርመራችንስ? እውን የግንቦት ሰባት አባል ነን? [ታዲያ] ለምን ታሰርን? በቅርቡ እንፈታ ይሆን? 

ደቂቅም ይሁን ሊቅ ስለኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካዊ እውነታ የሚጽፍ ማንኛውም ሰው [ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ሳለ] አንድ ቀን እታሰር ይሆን እያለ መስጋቱ አይቀርም ፡፡ ለዚህም ይመስለኛል ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ወ/ማርያም በአንድ መጽሐፋቸው ላይ ሰው ነገረኝ ብለው የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብን በሦስት የመደቡት፡- የታሰረ፣ ታስሮ የተፈታ እና ወደፊት የሚታሰር በማለት፡፡ እርግጥ ዞን ዘጠኝ ‹‹ሐሳቡን መግለጽ ፈርቶ ዝም ያለ ሁሉ እስረኛ ነው›› ብሎ መደምደም ሦስቱም ምድብ አንደኛው ውስጥ ያጠቃልለዋል ‹‹የታሰረ›› በሚል፡፡ ዞን ዘጠኞች ጦማራችንን በከፈተን በሁለት ሳምንት ሲታገድብን እና ሌላ ስንከፍት ግና መጨረሻ ላይ ታጋቾቹ እኛ እንደምንሆን እናውቅ ነበር፡፡ ያንን የሚያረጋግጥ ተደጋጋሚ የደህንነቶች ክትትል እና ምልክቶች ስለደረሱን መታሰራችን ማስደንገጡ ባይቀርም ያልተጠበቀ ግን አልነበረም፡፡

እስሩ በክትትሉ የተገኘነውን ስድስት የዞን ዘጠኝ አባላት እና ሦስት ጋዜጠኛ ጓደኞቻችንን መሆኑን በተለይ የጋዜጠኞቹ [ቢያንስ ለእኛ] ያልተጠበቀ ነበር ማለት ይቻላል፡፡ የኋላ ኋላ ስንመለከተው ግን በእኛ አስታኮ እነሱንም ማሰሩ የታሰበበት ዘመቻ እንደሆነ መገመት አይከብድም፡፡ እኛን በቁጥጥር ስር የማዋሉ ሒደትም ቢሆን በቅጡ የታሰበበት ነበር ሁላችንም (ከአስማማው በቀር) ከቀኑ በ11፡00 ገደማ በያለንበት ስንያዝ አስማማው በማግሥቱ ታስሯል፡፡  ሌሎቻችን ቤታችን በሚፈተሸበት ሰዓት ሕጉ የሚፈቅድበት ሰዓት(12፡00) አልፎ ነበር፡፡ በቁጥጥር ስር ካዋሉን በኋላ የሕገ-ወጥ አያያዝ ሰለባ የመሆናችን ሂደት የሚጀምረው ከዚህ ነው፡፡

ማዕከላዊን በክፉ ስሙ ቀድሞ ለሚያውቀው ሰው ግቢውን መርገጥ በራሱ ልብን ያርዳል፡፡ ሆኖም በልቤ /ጓደኞቼም እንደእኔ ሳይሰማቸው አይቀርም/ አንደኛ እኛ ጸሐፊ እንጂ ወታደር ወይም ሰላይ ባለመሆናች፣ ሁለተኛ መቼም ከበፊቱ የተሻለ ሰብዓዊ አያያዝ ሳይኖርም አይቀርም የሚል የዋህ ተስፋ በማሳደሬ ብዙም አልተሸበርኩም ነበር፡፡ የገባሁ እለት ከታሳሪዎች በተሰጠኝ ማብራሪያ ‹‹ሳይቤሪያ›› መግባቴን አወቅኩ፡፡ ከዚያ የ HRW-They want confession የተሰኘ ሪፖርት ላይ የተፃፉ ነገሮች ሁሉ ትክክል መሆናቸውን ለመረዳት የፈጀብኝ ከአንድ ሳምንት ያነሰ ጊዜ ነበር፡፡

ምርመራ ማዕከላዊ ስታይል

ምርመራ በማዕከላዊ ከብልጠት ይልቅ ጉልበት ይበዛበታል፡፡ መርማሪዎቹ የምርመራ ችሎታቸው ተጠርጣሪውን የተጠረጠረበትን ጉዳይ ከማውጣጣት ይልቅ የምርመራ ችሎታ እንዳላቸው ለማሳመን የሚጥሩበት ጊዜ ይበዛል፡፡ ይህም አልሰራ ሲል ጥፊ፣ ካልቾ፣ ከአቅም በላይ ስፖርት ማሰራት እና ግርፋት ድረስ ይዘልቃሉ፡፡ ይህ እንግዲህ እኔ ላይ ከተፈራረቁብኝ አምስት መርማሪዎች እና ሌሎችም አብሮ ታሳሪዎቼ ከነገሩኝ የተረዳሁት ነው፡፡ እርግጥ ሌሎች ‹‹እርቃንን ቁጭ ብድግ›› የሰሩ ተጠርጣሪዎችም ገጥመውኛል፡፡ ከባባድ ቅጣት (ወፌ ላላ ግርፋት፣ ጥፍር መንቀል) የደረሰባቸው ሌሎች ታሳሪዎች አብረውኝ የታሰሩ ቢሆንም ይህ የተፈፀመባቸው ግን ወደማዕከላዊ ከመምጣታቸው በፊት  ነው፡፡ ከነዚህ መካከል የሀሮማያ ዩኒቨርስቲ ተማሪዎች ይገኙበታል፡፡ የሚገርመው በዚህ ዓይነቱ ምርመራ የሰጡት ቃል ለማመሳከርያ ማዕከላዊ መምጣቱ ነው፡፡ በተመሳሳይ መልኩ ወደማዕከላዊ ከመዛወራቸው በፊት ከባድ ቅጣት የተቀጡበትን ቦታ የት እንደሆነ እንዳያውቁ አይናቸው ተሸፍኖ ሲንቀሳቀሱ የነበሩ እሥረኞችም መኖራቸው ነው - የደርግን ‹‹ቤርሙዳ›› ያስታውሳል!

እናም በሚያዋርድ እና ክብርን በሚነካ ስድብ በሚያስፈራ የቤቱ (የማዕከላዊ) ጥላ እና ኃይል በተቀላቀለበት የምርመራ ሂደት የተከሳሽ ቃላችንን ሰጠን፡፡ ቃላችን መቶ በመቶ እውነት አልነበረም፡፡ ጫናው በበረታ ቁጥር መስማት የሚፈልጉትን ‹‹ዓመፅ ለመቀስቀስ ፈልገን›› የመሳሰሉ በራስ ላይ ፈራጅ (Self-incriminating) ሐረጎችን እየተናገርን ነበር፡፡ ያም ግን ለመርማሪዎቻችን በቂ አልነበረም፡፡ ስለዚህ በሚጽፉበት ሰዓት እያንዳንዷን ‹‹ሠራን›› ያልነውን ሁሉ ሊያስከስሰን በሚችልበት ሁኔታ እየገለበጡ እና እየበጠበጡ ፃፉት፡፡ አንዳንዶቻችን እየተከራከርን ሲያቅተን ፍርድ ቤት ይፍታው ብለን ፈረምን፣ቀሪዎቻችን የቻልነውን ያህል ተደብድበንበት ፈረምን፡፡ ‹‹ከተናገርኩት ቃል ውጪ አንድም ቃል አልፈርምም›› በሚል እስከመጨረሻው ታግሎ የተሳካለት አቤል ብቻ ነበር፡፡

በምርመራው ሂደት የተረዳነው ነገር ቢኖር የማዕከላዊ መርማሪዎች ብቃት (Intelligence) አርጩሜ ብቻ መሆኑን ነው፡፡ እኔ ምርመራ ሲባል ይመስለኝ የነበረው ፖሊሶች ተጠርጣሪዎችን ፈፀሙ ስለሚባለው ነገር በቂ መረጃ ይዘው ግፋ ቢል ለምንና እንዴት እንደፈፀሙት ማውጣጣት ነበር፡፡ ‹‹ዕድሜ ለማዕከላዊ›› የተረዳሁት ነገር ቢኖር ምርመራ ማለት ለካስ ‹‹የሠራኸው ወንጀል ምንድን ነው?አውጣት!›› ማለት ኖሯል- ማዕከላዊ ስታይል፡፡ ‹‹ነጻ ነኝ›› ቢሉ ሰሚ የለም፡፡ አንዴ ታስረሃል ወንጀል ሊገኝብህ የግድ ነው፤ ካልሆነ ይጋገርብሃል፡፡

አሁን ሳስበው ማዕከላዊ ፈርሶ በሥር-ነቀል ለውጥ እንደገና መቋቋም ያለበት ተቋም ነው፤ ቢያንስ በሁለት ምክንያት፡፡ አንደኛ የምርመራው ሂደት (በራሳችን ጉዳይ እንደተረዳሁት) ትዕዛዝ አስፈፃሚነት ይስተዋልበታል፡፡ ማለትም በመርህ የሚመራ አይደለም፡፡ ሁለተኛ ምርመራው እውቀት መር አይደለም፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ የአገሪቱን ደህንት አደጋ ውስጥ የሚጥል ጉዳይ በምርመራው ድክመት ሳይታወቅ ሊታለፍ ይችላል፡፡ ይህ ችግር የተከሰተው ደግሞ መርማሪ ፖሊሶቹ ከብቃት ይልቅ ለታዛዥነት የተመቹ ታማኞች ሆነው በመመልመላቸው ነው፡፡

‹‹ፍየል ወዲህ ቅዝምዝም ወዲያ››

በምርመራው ሂደት የተጨቀጨቅነውም ሆነ ተገድደን የፈረምነው ጽሑፎቻችንን የበይነ መረብ ዘመቻዎቻችንን፣ የወሰድናቸው ስልጠናዎችም ሆኑ አንዳንዶቻችን የሰጠናቸው ስልጠናዎች አመፅ ለማስነሳት መሆኑን ‹‹እመኑ›› በሚል ስለነበር የጠበቅነው ግፋ ቢል በወንጀለኛ መቅጫው አንቀጽ 238 ወይም 257 ሊከሱን አስበው ነው ብለን ነበር፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ የክስ መዝገቡ ሲመጣ ‹‹ሽብር›› ያውም ከአስራ አምሰት ዓመት እስከ እድሜ ልክ የሚያስቀጣ አንቀጽ 4 መሆኑን ሳውቅ በበኩሌ ሳቄ ነበር የመጣው፡፡

ማስረጃ ተብለው ከክስ መዝገቡ ጋር የተያያዙት በአብዛኛው ጽሑፎቻችን፣ የዘመቻዎቻችን፣ የጋዜጣ መግለጫዎች እና በተለያዩ ሥልጠናዎች ወቅት የተዘጋጁ የሥልጠና መመሪያዎች (Manuals) ናቸው፡፡ ከዚህ በተረፈ ከግንቦት 7 እና ከኦነግ ጋር ያገናኛችኋል የተባልነው በሦስት ‹‹ሰነዶች›› ነው፡፡ አንደኛው ናትናኤል ኢሜይል ውስጥ በጥቅምት 2001 ተልኮለት የተገኘ የግንቦት 7 የዜና መጽሔት ነው፡፡ ይህ እንግዲህ ገና የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ አዋጁ ሳይወጣ፤ ግንቦት ሰባትም አሸባሪ ከመባሉ በፊት መሆኑ ነው፡፡ ሁለተኛ ሶልያና ቤት ተገኘ ተብሎ እናቷ ‹‹ቤቴ ውስጥ አልተገኘም፣አልፈርምበትም›› ያሉት እና ለግንቦት 7 ሕዝባዊ ኃይል ሰራዊት ምልመላ መመዘኛ ሰነድ ነው፡፡ ይህ የሶሊ የዘለቀ አቋም ለሚያውቅ ሙግት አያስፈልገውም፡፡ እኔ እንደውም ትዝ ያለኝ ከመታሰሬ በፊት የትዊተር ፕሮፋይሏ ውስጥ የነበረው ‹‹no for war›› የሚል መፈክር ነው፡፡ ሦስትኛው ደግሞ ማሕሌት ኮምፒውተር ውስጥ የተገኘው የኦነግ ፕሮግራም ነው፡፡ በርግጥ አብረው የተገኙት የሌሎች የኦሮሞ ፓርቲዎች ፕሮግራሞች ማስረጃ ተብለው አለመቅረባቸው መረዳት ብቻ - እሷም ለምን ፕሮግራሙን እንደያዘችው፤ እነሱም ለምን የኦነግን እንደመረጡ ያጋልጣልና የእመኑኝ ሙግት አያስፈልገንም፡፡ በመሰረቱ ሦስቱንም ‹‹ሰነዶች›› መያዝ ከቡድኞቹ ጋር ግንኙነት መመሥረት የሚሰሩትንም መውደድ ማለት አየደለም፡፡ ይህም ለመሪዎቻችን ባይታያቸውም እንኳ ለወገኖቻችን የጠፋቸዋል ብዬ አላስብም፡፡

ሌላውና በአስቂኝለቱ ተወዳዳሪነት የሌለው ውንጀላ ‹‹48 ሺሕ ብር በናትናኤል በኩል ተቀብለው ተከፋፍለዋል›› የሚለው ነው፡፡ ይህ ብር ፤‹‹አሸባሪ›› ከተባሉት ቡድኖች የተወሰደ እንዲመስል በሚያደናግር አገላለጽ የተጻፈ ቢሆንም የክስ መዝገቡ ውስጥ የተያያዘውና ገንዘቡ የመጣበት ደረሰኝ እንደሚያረጋግጠው የተላከው ከARTICLE 19 ነው፡፡ ይህንን ጨምሮ በእስር ላይ ለምትገኝ ጋዜጠኛ ቤተሰቦች መደገፊያ /ለእስረኛይቱም ማበረታቻ/ የተላከ መሆኑን ለመርማሪዎቹ በዝርዝር አስረድተናቸዋል፡፡ ይህንን እያወቁ ውንጀላውን ማኖራቸው እውነትም እኒህ ሰዎች ወንጀለኞች ናቸው ብለው አምነው ሳይሆን ‹‹ከቻልን አደናግረን እናስቀጣቸዋለን (የማይችሉበት ሁኔታ አይታየኝም)፣ካልቻልን ደግሞ በቀጠሮ ጊዜ እንገዛበታለን፣ ነጻ እስኪወጡም ቢሆን በእስር እናቆያቸዋለን›› የሚል ክፉ ምኞት ነው፡፡

… ሳታመኻኝ ብላኝ!

አህዩት ከታች አያ ጅቦ ከላይ ሆነው ወራጅ ውሀ እየጠጡ ነበር አሉ፡፡ ነገር ያማረው አህዩትን ‹‹አታደፍርሽብኝ›› ሲላት ነገሩ የገባት አህይትም ‹‹ሳታመኸኝ ብላኝ›› አለችው ይባላል፡፡ የኛም ነገር እንደዚያው ነው፡፡

ፖሊስ ሲይዘን እኛ ላይ ይህ ነው የሚባል የመክሰሻ መረጃ አልነበረውም፤ እንዲያውም ከስማችን በቀር የሚያውቁት ነገር አልነበረም፡፡ ሌላው ቀርቶ ከደህንነቶታቸው በአንዱ ልከንላቸው የነበረውን የጽሑፋችንን ስብስብ እንኳን ሳያነቡት ነበር የያዙን፡፡

አሁንም ማስረጃ ብለው ከክስ መዝገባችን ጋር ያያያዙት ቢያንስ በእኔ ግምት ዘጠና በመቶ የሚሆነው ‹‹ሰነድ›› እኛው ነፃ ያወጣናል ብለን የሰጠናቸው ጽሑፎቻችን ናቸው፡፡ በመርማሪዎቻችን ንግግር ውስጥ እኛ ላይ ወንጀል የማግኘት Desperate ፍላጎት አይተናል፡፡ ምናልባትም እንደገመትነው ቢያንስ እስከ 2007ቱ ምርጫ ድረስ ከማኅበራዊ ሚዲያ ገለል እንድንልላቸው ፈልገዋል፡፡ ከዚህ የተሻለም አማራጭ አልታያቸውም ይሆናል፡፡

በእስካሁኑ ሂደት የማዕከላዊን ለገዢው ፓርቲ ወገንተኝነት በዓይናችን አይተን አረጋግጠናል፡፡ ቀጣዩ ደግሞ የፍትሕ ሥርዓቱን በአደባባይ መፈተሽ ይቀረናል፡፡ ለአሁኑ ግን በቅርቡ እንፈታ ይሆን… የሚል ጥያቄ ‹ሕጋዊ› ሳይሆን መላ ምታዊ አማራጮችን እገምታለሁ፡፡

ኢህአዴግ ወይም የኢህአዴግ መንግሥት የሚያዘው ፖሊስ እኛን በቁጥጥር ሥር ሲያውለን ስለወንጀላችን ማረጋገጫ (ጠበቆች Beyond reasonable doubt) እንደሚሉት ዓይነት ባይኖረውም መቼም የሆነች ስህተት ሳላገኝባቸው አልቀርም በሚል ነበር፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ ወትሮም የተንቦረቀቀ የሚባለው የፀረ-ሸብርተኝነቱ አዋጅ ውስጥ የሚጥለን ነገር በቀላሉ ማግኘት አልቻሉም፡፡ አለመቻላቸው ግን የተነሱበትን እኛን የመክሰስ ዓላማ አላጠፋውም፡፡  የክስ መዝገቡን ሲያዘጋጁ አንድም የረባ ዐረፍተ ነገር ሳይጽፉ ይዘውን ፍርድ ቤት መቅረባቸው በራሱ አንድም የረባ ጥርጣሬና ማረጋገጫ እንደሌላቸው አመላካች ነው፡፡ ቢሆንም በቅርቡ ይለቁናል የሚል ግምት የለኝም፡፡ ለምን;

1ኛ. ኢህአዴግ በጣም የሚናደድባቸው እና ታሳሪውን በሚያዋርድ መልኩ ካልሆነ በቀር ከማያደርጋቸው ነገሮች ውስጥ አንዱ- አንዴ ያሰረውን ተቺውን ፤ ያውም ብዙ ደጋፊ ያለውን መፍታት ነው፡፡ ኢህአዴግ እንደልጅ እልህ ይጋባል ማለቴ ነው፡፡ (ይህንን ስል የእስራችንን ኢፍትሀዊነት የተመለከቱትን ጩኸቶች መጥላቴ አይደለም፤ ያለ እነርሱ መንፈሳችን አይጠገንም ነበር፡በአደባባይ የምናመሰግንበት ቀን ይመጣል)

2ኛ. መጀመሪያ የተጠራጠሩበት እና ኋላ የዋጧት ጥርጣሬያቸው፤ ማለትም (ምርጫውን ተከትሎ) አመፅ ማስነሳት በሚሉት ጉዳይ ላይ እቅድ እንደሌለን ቢያምኑም እንኳን ምናልባት እምነታቸው ከተሳሳተ Risk መውሰድ አይፈልጉም፡፡ ( መጀመሪያም የቀለም አብዩት ዶክመንተሪ አዝማሚያ ያስታውሷል)

3ኛ. ምንም እንኳን ዓመፅም፤ሽብርም  የማስነሳት ፍላጎትም አቅምም፤  እንደሌለን ቢያምኑም የገዥው ፓርቲ ጠንካራ ተቺዎች መሆናችንን ስለሚያውቁ እና ስላልወደዱልን ፍርድ ቤት በምንመላለስበት ረዘም ያለ ጊዜ ባለው እስር ወቅት ቢያንስ የእስርን ምሬት እንድንቀምሳት ይፈልጋሉ፡፡ ቅጣትን ጨርሶ በነፃ መለቀቅ እንደማለት፡፡

4ኛ. ኢህአዴግ መፍረድ አይፈራም፡፡

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